#The last bastion 2018 series

“ The last bastion ”Is one of the most ambitious productions of Peruvian television in recent years. Actually, in 2013, “The Great Blood” was also available.

#The last bastion 2018 series

“We will get 21-25 MLAs even if we don’t get as many seats,” state BJP president JV Hluna says, adding, “We have friends in MNF and ZPM.Correction: In this article it was erroneously stated that “The Last Bastion” is the first Peruvian series on Netflix. Considering the issues that the three regional parties have with Congress, BJP appears to be the one that may ultimately attract them. NPP, a BJP ally in Meghalaya and Manipur, too is fighting the election alone. Until now, both MNF and ZPM have been saying they have no truck with BJP. If there is a possibility of BJP trying to win over ZPM in such a situation, a possible partnership between it and MNF looks natural because of the latter is a constituent member of the North East Democratic Alliance, the regional version of the NDA. Many feel that ZPM, a conglomerate of seven parties including People’s Conference, could emerge as a dark horse or a king-maker in case the big two parties don’t get majority. In the last spring, it managed to taste power for the first time in Meghalaya, another Christian-majority state, in collaboration with NPP. Without any ally, Congress might find itself in a quandary in case the state offers a fractured mandate, a situation that BJP is likely to exploit to its advantage.

With the presence of BJP as well as other new regional players - National People’s Party (NPP) and the Zoram People's Movement (ZPM) - the state may throw up a split verdict. If Congress manages to get majority on its own, it will be for the first time in the northeast that the Grand Old Party gets a consecutive third term. The state has always given a decisive mandate, except in 1993 when Congress managed to grab power after entering a hasty alliance with Brigadier T Sailo’s People’s Conference. If MNF makes a comeback, it will be in keeping with Mizoram’s electoral history. It is also likely to gain from its “positive” association with the Church and its own anti-drinking stance. Another BJP USP has been its slogan: “For faster development, elect the party in power at the Centre.” MNF, which won just five out of 40 seats in 2013 despite having ruled the state twice, hopes that the anti-incumbency factor might take it back to power. It has introduced itself to the electorate as a “new force” that would weed out the “rotting political culture” of Mizoram. BJP, which did not win a single seat in its previous five attempts to enter the assembly, has used its “clean slate”, earned by virtue of its earlier electoral losses, to pin down its two bigger opponents. Considering the overwhelming majority of the Christians, it appears to have toned down its Hindutva rhetoric and pitched for “inclusive” development. In its endeavour to create a political space of its own, BJP has played the pro-minority card by throwing its weight behind the Hindu Bru and Buddhist Chakma tribes. Congress has been accused of playing to the gallery by trying to outbid its traditional rival Mizo National Front ( MNF) as the “saviour” of the majority Mizos, for whom the latter had once taken up arms to create a sovereign state. While the relaxation of prohibition upset the church and may erode its support base, it is banking on its pro-farmer New Land Use Policy to make up for the losses with support in the hinterlands. Congress has ruled out anti-incumbency, with chief minister Lal Thanhawla saying his party will “get majority on its own”. And how things go here will hold the key to the fortunes of political parties in 2019. Mizoram, which goes to the polls on November 28, is the last battleground in the northeast before the parties head to the next Lok Sabha. To BJP, the final milestone before a ‘Congress-mukt’ northeast. Aizawl: To Congress, it symbolizes its last hope in the northeast.